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Policy Brief Series: Rethinking Turkey’s Refugee Policies

Osman Yıldırım, Lund University

Executive Summary

Syrian refugees are deemed as overt point of contention in Turkey politics since 2011 Syrian civil war. As there has been incremental influx of Syrian to Turkey from this period, ongoing debate about their presence and status determine the domestic politics intermittently. Turkey’s hosting of over 3 million registered Syrian refugees, and even more when accounting for unregistered individuals, has brought about societal unrest and challenges of refugees’ daily lives. The othering rhetoric toward refugees, often expressed by different segments of society in Turkey, has turned refugees into tools of political discourse and has led to direct and violent attacks. While facing xenophobic attitudes, refugees have become an essential part of the labor market, particularly in low-wage sectors.  Grappling with precarious working conditions and marginalization, refugees’ desire to return to Syria following the fall of Assad has created ambivalence, given the instability in Syria and their already established livelihoods in Turkey.

Refugees are not the only cohort experiencing a critical duality; the Turkish government has also long pursued contradictory refugee policies. While the government promotes repatriation programs, particularly following the regime change in Syria, its simultaneous embrace of all refugees through Islamic rhetoric creates dual policy for political power in Turkey. This duality creates ambiguity, normalizes violent attacks against refugees, and exacerbates unrest within society. Thus, it is urgent and essential for the Turkish government to take action to prevent further potential chaos in the country. This includes formalizing employment conditions for refugees to promote integration and protect workers’ rights, preventing new illegal crossings to reduce reliance on cheap labor, and ceasing interventions such as military operations for regional stability. In this regard, this policy paper is structured as follows: it first provides a broad background of the issue, followed by policy recommendations and implications. The paper also draws on insights gained from fieldwork observations and interviews.

Background

Examining the underlying causes of the Turkish government’s political ambivalence and the class-based ambivalence experienced by refugees provides comprehensive insights for shaping policy recommendations for the Turkish government. In this regard, the working conditions and legal status of refugees, along with public xenophobia, are critical matters to address. The high demand for cheap labor in industries has pushed refugees into low-paid, informal jobs. Thus, Syrian labor has been utilized to address labor shortages, particularly in agriculture and construction, due to their low-cost labor (Tasli-Karabulut & Sancak, 2024). Given that surplus value means the worker, in the process of production, creates more value than the value of their own labor-power (Marx, 1976), Turkish employees work approximately 48 hours per week in compliance with labor laws, Syrian refugees often work up to 60 hours, a clear violation of formal employment standards reflecting blatantly informal and exploitative labor conditions (Uygur et al., 2023).

people standing by the gates with the turkish flag, children

Source: Getty Images

When it comes to legal status of Syrian refugees in Turkey, Syrian refugees derive their legal status from the Temporary Protection Regulation, stipulating that all Syrians who were forcibly displaced and arrived at or crossed Turkey’s borders are eligible for temporary protection (Ineli-Ciger, 2017).  Since the legal framework of temporary protection granted to Syrians does not offer long- term residency or citizenship right, perpetuating uncertainty about their future (Güngördü-Saygi, 2024) many Syrians are obliged to live in these precarious conditions.

The Turkish government’s policy toward Syrian refugees reflects a duality. While President Erdoğan initially emphasized Turkey’s Islamic tradition of “Ansar”[1] hospitality, his administration later proposed a plan to repatriate one million Syrians before the 2023 elections. This ambivalence continued after Assad’s fall, with the Foreign Ministry announcing preparations for repatriation programs (YetkinReport, 2024), followed shortly by Erdoğan’s declaration that Syrians wishing to stay in Turkey could do so.

This study argues that, despite the public justification of refugee acceptance through Islamic solidarity, the government’s policies are driven by economic demands. The Turkish bourgeoisie’s reliance on cheap migrant labor in critical sectors demonstrate this dependency. Abdurrahman Baydemir, of the Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey (TOBB), warns that repatriation would disrupt key industries and raise labor costs (Patronlar telaşlı, 2024). Similarly, former Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu criticized businesses for exploiting Syrian workers while simultaneously demanding their removal (Soylu’dan göçmen açıklaması, 2022). As demonstrated, while the government publicly expresses refugee repatriation, also having concerns about labor market disruptions continue to influence its approach.

Methodology

Anti-refugee sentiment in Turkey has pressured policymakers to adopt repatriation rhetoric. To explore the violent manifestations of such hostility, this study incorporates fieldwork conducted in Kayseri, where anti-refugee riots erupted in 2024 and lasted three days. Interviews were conducted with S.M., a Syrian refugee living in Kayseri for over 15 years who experienced the attacks firsthand; Y.S., a Turkish teacher who has worked closely with refugees; and K.E., a local resident near the site of the violence. These observations and interviews shed light on public sentiment and the precarious living conditions of refugees.

Research

Field observations in Kayseri following the riots (30 June–3 July 2024), allegations of a Syrian man sexually assaulting a Syrian child, triggering violent anti-refugee protests reveal severe restrictions on refugees’ mobility and security. Many discovered their workplaces and vehicles vandalized—burned or shattered—when they ventured out during quieter morning hours. Evening outings were avoided entirely due to the persistent unrest near their homes.

Interviews conducted in Kayseri provide the background of conditions and aspirations of refugees following the fall of Assad. S.M., a Syrian refugee who experienced violence firsthand, acknowledges that while xenophobic attitudes persist, they have slightly diminished. He expresses a desire to return to Syria but cites ongoing instability and inadequate infrastructure as barriers. This leaves him grappling with maintaining an established livelihood in Turkey amidst racism and precarious working conditions, creating a profound dilemma for his family.

fire in the middle of the street by the building.

Y.S., a Turkish language teacher for refugees, highlights that most refugees are willing to return to Syria if their living conditions improve in Syria, noting their preference for a minimalistic lifestyle despite being aware of their exploitation as cheap labor. In contrast, K.E., a resident near the site of the riots, argues that only a small number of refugees would return due to a lack of confidence in Syria’s stability. She also critiques the Turkish government’s inconsistent policies, emphasizing the absence of a comprehensive integration framework despite initial efforts to welcome refugees. These insights unleash the essential policy steps to be taken by the government.

Source: Buket Didem Ulu

a vehicle in the middle of the road on fire in the night

Source: Efe Göztak

Policy Recommendations & Implications

Extend Equal Labor Rights to Refugees

Refugees have been utilized as cheap labor to meet the demands of the capitalist class, as evidenced by data on their extended working hours. The formalization of employment conditions for refugees should be the first step toward addressing these issues. Contrary to statements made by the former Interior Minister of Turkey regarding refugee working conditions, refugees should be granted the same labor rights as native workers. This change would not only ensure equity but also pave the way for union membership, enabling refugees to collectively advocate for their rights. Moreover, such measures would constitute an essential step toward integrating those refugees who will remain in Turkey permanently. While these actions may not completely resolve the dilemmas refugees face, they have the potential to significantly mitigate their precarious working conditions and improve their overall quality of life.

Prevent irregular migration

Turkey has implemented an open-door policy for Syrian refugees since the onset of the civil war. This policy has facilitated both legal refugee applications and illegal crossings. While exploitation in various forms is already a pressing issue for legal refugee workers, those who enter illegally face an even higher risk of being exploited under precarious working conditions, compounded by the constant fear of deportation.Preventing new illegal crossings serves two critical purposes. Firstly, it curtails the ability of employers to exploit these individuals as cheap labor, thereby reducing labor inequalities and ensuring fairer conditions for all workers. Secondly, it addresses societal unrest by easing public concerns about unchecked migration, which often result in xenophobia and social tensions.

Curb Cross-Border Operations

Another crucial step in addressing the refugees’ plight and preventing potential newcomers is for the government to cease its military interventions. Before the fall of Assad, Turkey conducted several military operations in Syria, such as the  “Olive Branch” and “Spring Peace”, often in collaboration with the Turkish-sponsored Syrian National Army and other Islamist armed groups (Manukyan & Hovsepyan, 2022). These interventions, aimed at countering perceived Kurdish threats and securing strategic interests, frequently resulted in significant displacement. For instance, the UNHCR reported that Turkey’s “Olive Branch” operation uprooted around 151,000 people from Afrin (Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Türkiye, 2018).

Despite Assad’s fall, Turkey continues to justify such interventions under the pretext of addressing border security concerns, exacerbating refugee influxes and subsequent crises. Ending these operations, whether through direct military engagement or proxy forces, is essential for stabilizing affected regions and addressing the root causes of displacement. A withdrawal of foreign troops would not only mitigate refugee flows but also allow Syrians to independently organize and determine their own future.

Implications

Implementing of these policies in an integrated way addresses to mitigate societal unease, annihilate ambivalent of government and refugees as well. As a influential actor in Syria, Turkey’s decision to cease military and diplomatic interventions and withdraw its troops would send a strong message to the international community, potentially compelling other interventionist states to follow suit. This strategy represents a critical first step toward stabilizing Syria, creating conditions that could make the repatriation process more feasible. As demonstrated in the figure 1, the initial period following Assad’s fall saw a decline in the number of refugees in Turkey. A more stabilized Syria is likely to encourage an increasing number of Syrians to plan for future repatriation.

Figure 1: Registered Syrian Refugees in Turkey by date

a graph depicting a growth trend which grew rapidly from 5mln in 2014 to 3.5 mln in 2018 and stays steady until 2023.

Source: UNHCR, https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/syria/location/113

Implementing a repatriation program after ceasing intervention in Syria can effectively reduce societal unrest. However, formalizing refugee labor is a crucial subsequent step to improve conditions for those remaining in Turkey. Integrating the remaining refugees through new regulations, particularly governing their working conditions, particularly working hours, can pave the way for eventual citizenship and eliminate existing ambivalence. Given that the repatriation of over 3 million refugees is unrealistic, a crucial prerequisite for integrating those who remain in Turkey is the legal formalization of their working conditions. This process will create a sense of equity among native workers and refugees, encouraging the perception that they belong to the same segment of society.

Additionally, maintaining the open-door policy, particularly regarding illegal crossings, exacerbates demographic challenges, promotes further exploitation, and leads increased xenophobic attacks. Preventing new illegal crossings is therefore essential to curb these issues and mitigate the exploitation of incoming refugees.Together, these measures can alleviate refugees’ precarious circumstances, creating opportunities for stability both in Turkey and Syria.

Conclusion

To sum up, addressing the challenges of Syrian refugees in Turkey requires considering all necessary actions to be taken by the government in their totality. Ceasing military interventions and withdrawing troops from Syria can contribute to stabilizing the region, encouraging repatriation, and reducing societal unrest. Domestically, formalizing refugee labor through equitable working regulations will improve living conditions and facilitate integration, while preventing new illegal crossings will mitigate exploitation and ease public concerns. These measures, implemented cohesively, can help eliminate the precarious conditions faced by refugees, resolve societal tensions, and provide a sustainable repatriation process for those willing to return to Syria.

Reference

Güngördü-Saygi, F. N. (2024). The Self-Settlement of Syrian Refugees in Türkiye: Dynamics, Challenges, and Refugee Agency. Perceptions: Journal of International Affairs, 29(1), 110–132.

Ineli-Ciger, M. (2017). Protecting Syrians in Turkey: A Legal Analysis. International Journal of Refugee Law, 29(4), 555–579. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/eex042

Manukyan, T., & Hovsepyan, L. (n.d.). Turkish Domestic Determinants And Ankara’s Military Operations In Syria: Kurdish Threat And Expansionist Ambitions (5-21). https://doi.org/10.52837/2579-2970-2022.11.2-5

Marx, K. (1976). Capital: A critique of political economy. Vol. 1 (E. Mandel, Ed.; Repr). Penguin.

Patronlar telaşlı: “Suriyeliler gittiği zaman işçinin maliyeti artacak” | soL haber. (2024, December 12). https://haber.sol.org.tr/haber/patronlar-telasli-suriyeliler-gittigi-zaman-iscinin-maliyeti-artacak-396737

Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Türkiye. (n.d.). UNHCR Türkiye. Retrieved November 13, 2024, from https://www.unhcr.org/tr/en/refugees-and-asylum-seekers-in-turkey

Soylu’dan göçmen açıklaması: Hepimiz buralara geldik bir yerlerden. (n.d.). birgun.net. Retrieved April 15, 2025, from https://www.birgun.net/haber/soylu-dan-gocmen-aciklamasi-hepimiz-buralara-geldik-bir-yerlerden-386622

Tasli-Karabulut, V., & Sancak, M. (2024). Vocational education and training: A pathway for refugees’ integration in the labour market? Lessons from Syrian refugees in Tarsus, Turkey. Industrial Relations Journal, 55(6), 401–424. https://doi.org/10.1111/irj.12442

Uygur, G., Gunaltay, A., & Rudnak, I. (2023). Job satisfaction and organizational commitment in Syrian refugee textile enterprises: A case study from Turkey. Problems and Perspectives in Management, 21(4), 13–24. https://doi.org/10.21511/ppm.21(4).2023.02

YetkinReport. (2024, December 8). Şam’ın düşmesinin ardından Fidan: “Suriyelilerin dönmesi önemli, çalışma başlattık.” Yetkin Report. https://yetkinreport.com/2024/12/08/samin-dusmesinin-ardindan-fidan-suriyelilerin-donmesi-onemli-calisma-baslattik/


[1] In Islam, the word “Ansar” refers to the people who helped the Prophet Muhammad and his companions when they migrated to Medina

May 13, 2025

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A memorable visit to a world-leading institute: my secondment at Leiden University

by Yize Huang, Nazarbayev University

Participating in MARS projects and becoming a visiting scholar at Leiden University is a great pleasure. My name is Yize. I am a PhD candidate from Nazarbayev University’s Eurasian Studies program. My research interests focus on contemporary Chinese migration in Eurasian countries, especially in the past decade, and cross-border mobility in the Belt and Road Initiative context. This interdisciplinary topic can be perceived from various angles. Still, my perspective leans toward political science, trying to explore how the BRI participating countries adjust their migration governance with the increasing cross-border mobility with China. As a country in migration transition, with the existing vast immigration network, the new generation of migration behavior is changing. China has become a new destination of immigration, which leaves a new gap for migration scholars to explore. Why did I choose Leiden as my place of secondment?

Before participating in the MARS project, when I did a literature review on this research topic, I read many research outputs on Belt and Road projects from the Leiden Asian Centre. Some scholars share similar interests, and I am eager to contact and talk with them in person. Then, the MARS project offered me the opportunity to pursue my research. In addition, my host at Leiden University is the political science department, a renowned research institute with worldwide fame that ranks very high globally. I was inspired by the contribution to migration theories from the Netherlands, particularly the switch from a migration receiving countries perspective started here in academic discussions.

canal, buildings, lantern
A winter evening at Leiden University, photo taken by the author

Preparing for visiting is the first challenge with the visa application and seeking accommodation. I put my experience as an international migrant, which gives me a more vivid understanding of what people face when they are involved in global traveling. As an international student at my home university in Kazakhstan, I am a non-national of the country. I need to figure out how to apply for a Schengen visa in a third country to go to the Netherlands. It was not my first time to travel to the Schengen Zone, though I still have to familiarize myself with the category and required documents for my visit this time. I chose to submit all application material in my home country, China. Due to the holiday season, the process took a while. Such a procedure for me is intuitive to get the knowledge through self-taught. I also observed that an entire business is built around visa applications, and how people from the Global South use formal and informal practices to access their destinations. And how the authorities update their control policies to deal with the potential risks of visa fraud.  Another challenge is seeking accommodation in Leiden. As a university town, the short supply of accommodation is a problem for those who want to pursue their academic goals in Leiden. And the newcomers, well-informed by such a situation, know that there is a team to assist students and staff in looking for a place, but the needs can not be fully satisfied. Realizing such a situation, I turned to the existing immigration networks: the Chinese international students’ community in Leiden. Luckily, I met another PhD student in Chemistry, who would like to host me in his apartment. New migrants to an unfamiliar place seeking help from their compatriots is always the first option. The information sharing is crucial for the newcomers to settle down and integrate shortly.

Leiden University provides the same level of help for scholars, regardless of whether they are short—or long-term. Guest researchers can get full access to all university facilities and libraries on both campuses in Leiden and The Hague. It was Leiden University’s 450th anniversary when I arrived at the beginning of February. A parade was held in front of the academic building. Leiden University and the town integrate with windmills and canals, and no fence separates the campus from the public; nearly all university buildings are open to the public.

people in the streets, procession, chairs, building
Leiden University celebrates Dies Natalis: ‘Ahead of the times for 450 years’. Photo credited to https://www.universiteitleiden.nl/en/news/2025/02/dies-natalies-2025-en

I closely worked with the political science and area studies departments during my visit. The political science secretariat is arranged in a flexible office for all temporary, visiting researchers and lecturers to work there. A lounge on the same floor allows all staff to talk, grab coffee, and have lunch together. It is a more extensive department compared with my home university, and the research focuses on covering nearly all aspects of political science and international relations. In the Hague, another branch of the department benefits from the location and its importance in global affairs, especially in the field of International Law, which has put this department at the forefront of political science. For PhD students, there is a monthly PhD seminar, which usually invites senior researchers to talk about specific topics or give advice on job-seeking skills. Multiple workshops are also held each week. There is a particular one focused on migration studies. It is an interdisciplinary seminar, and I met scholars across the humanities and social sciences. By attending such academic activities, what impressed me the most was how researchers have already used Large Language Models and other AI tools to update their research approaches, especially in the design of comparative studies. Indeed, this marks the future direction of social science research; the AI tools can assist researchers to achieve what previous research designs could not.

people sitting under the cherry blossom tree surrounded by the building
Sakura blossoms in Leiden, Photo taken by the author

I was invited to deliver a short presentation on my research at the Leiden Political Economy Group (L-PEG) research seminar. The theme was introduced to the audience on my general research topic on the dynamics of migration trends between China and Central Asia under Belt and Road cooperation. They briefly went through the ongoing migration policy reform in Kazakhstan. I was happy to see that many audiences showed their great interest in what is happening in Central Asia and its Eastern neighbor. Lots of valuable questions and feedback were received from faculty and students. Leiden Institute for Area Studies (LIAS) has a significant team on China studies; I was surprised by the scale and how deeply their researchers go into China; they covered various aspects, from the art market to history in a particular dynasty. From professors to students, their Chinese is at an almost working proficiency level. As an area studies researcher, I believe that the language skills of the target country are a must-have for conducting high-quality research.

Yize Huang sitting by the desk in a room with chairs, desks, white walls, presentation slides on the screen on the wall
At the Leiden Political Economy Group (L-PEG) research seminar, photo taken by the author

Time flies in Leiden. When the secondment came to an end, I would like to say that such an experience was unforgettable and fruitful for me. As an entry-level researcher, this secondment allowed me to see the research frontier in migration studies at a world-leading university, which contributes to the generous support offered by the MARS projects. Hereby, I express my gratitude to the MARS team, who take care of the logistical issues of this visit. I am also thankful to Dr. Natter, who is my host in Leiden’s political science department, as well as Dr. Ennis from the Institute of Area Studies, for your support.

April 29, 2025

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Two months in Leiden: between foreign fighters, human geopolitics and transitional justice networks

building of the Leiden University. Old building, grass in the middle.

Alejandro Chehtman, Universidad Torcuato Di Tella (Argentina)

Coming to the University of Leiden to conduct research as part of the MARS project has been a momentous, fruitful experience. The city, its connections (to The Hague, Amsterdam, and other parts of Europe) and the collaboration with outstanding colleagues have provided me with the adequate context to advance my research, build professional and institutional connections, and enjoy one of the most beautiful places in the world.

During my time in Leiden, I concentrated on three pieces directly linked to the MARS project and its research agenda. I finished revising a piece which tackles the issue of foreign fighters, their typology, and their legal treatment under both International Humanitarian Law and the domestic migratory and criminal legal regimes. The piece focuses on the broader problem of equality between belligerents and offers a unified account of the conceptual contours and normative underpinning of the notion of combatant privilege. It has been accepted for publication with the Harvard International Law Journal and it is undergoing the second round of substantive revisions before being published this year.

During these two months, I was able to conduct much of the relevant research for a contribution to a book on Human Geopolitics and International Law, co-edited by Professors Larissa van den Herik, Giulia Pinzauti and Ida Asscher at the Grotius Centre in Leiden. The project explores how states instrumentalize individuals in broader geopolitical conflicts, and how International Law can address such practices. My contribution, in turn, focuses on extradition regimes in Latin America and their use to regulate the behaviour of individuals abroad through enforcement of domestic legal provisions. It tackles predominant approaches in the world, from collaboration and conflict, to avoidance, prohibitions and simplified arrangements. This project will bring me to Leiden again in June 2025, to discuss first drafts.

Third, I was able to begin my preliminary research on a piece concerning the influence of the Argentine (and Chilean) diasporas in building the ideas, legal arguments and institutional responses to state criminality during the late 1970s and early 1980s in the Southern Cone of Latin America. In particular, this research seeks to shed light on the networks build, key players, and central ideas imported to/from the region to shape the field we now know as transitional justice. Although this piece is in its very early stages, I was able to conduct vital preliminary work, and even conduct some interviews.

Finally, my time in Leiden was helpful in strengthening academic and personal relationships, as well as disseminating my work. I was kindly invited to give a lecture on the Argentine transition, in the Transitional Justice course for LLM students in Leiden. I gave presentations on my work on foreign fighters at the Universities of Genova and Bologna, in Italy, and on the birth of Anti-Impunity in Argentina at the European University Institute. I was welcome and supported throughout my stay by MARS wonderful colleagues Katharina Natter and Crystal Ennis. In short, these were fruitful months of careful research and exchange in a wonderful academic context. I very much look forward to my next secondment in 2026.

April 25, 2025

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Secondment from Uzbekistan to Sweden: steps to strengthen academic ties

by Muattara Rakhimova, Tashkent State University of Law

Tashkent State University of Law (TSUL), especially the International Law and Human Rights Department, has close connections with Department of Sociology of Law of the Lund University in the frames of European Commission-funded project “MARS: Non-Western Migration Regimes in a Global Perspective” (project number 101130177). This relationship with the world-leading Lund University gives the opportunity to participate in the international and multi-disciplinary project, to develop the bilateral collaboration, opening new directions for cooperation. Within the scope of the “MARS: Non-Western Migration Regimes in a Global Perspective”, the research secondment of the professors of the  TSUL took place in August and September of 2024 at the Department of Sociology of Law at the Lund University.

photo of Muattara Rakhimova next to the building of the Sociology of Law. brick wall, building sign, woman with glasses, some greenery
Muattara Rakhimova by the building of the Sociology of Law, Lund University

Throughout this period, we have engaged in joint research, conferences, and seminars. During these sessions, professors of TSUL conducted field research in social and legal sphere especially in migration and anticorruption spheres. This cooperation also led to the creation of various types of research seminars. Our stay at the university included research activities such as using library resources opportunities to interact with department staff and visiting scholars who attended conferences and seminars.

The extensive library collections of the Faculty and the University, covering regional and diverse topics, have greatly enriched our research on the above issues. Joint consultations with our colleagues at the department, namely with Professor Dr. Urinboev Rustam, played a key role in clarifying the structure, plan and composition of our articles. These interactions strengthened the theoretical and methodological foundation of our work.

Over the month, we had the honor of taking part in weekly seminars conducted by the department. One of these events was the presentation of a book on migration processes in Central Asia «Law, Society and Corruption. Lessons from the Central Asian Context», where the authors Rustamjon Urinboyev and Måns Svensson presented their work.

November 13, 2024

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Frontier Experience in Leiden, The Netherlands

by Runavia Mulyasari, Gadjah Mada University

My name is Runavia Mulyasari and I am a visiting researcher at Leiden University from July to September 2024. As part of my research project on the new frontiers of Indonesia, I would like to share my experience of being seconded to the MARS project. In this project, I try to understand the role played by intermediaries in creating space for migrants in oil palm frontiers. In addition, I am using the lens of the frontier to reflect on my experience of being on secondment in Leiden, the Netherlands. 

Understanding Kalimantan Frontiers from Archives

Reading the records in the Leiden Libraries, it became clear to me that the process of frontierisation in Kalimantan was a familiar process. According to the archives, frontierisation started in the colonial era, where it started through land acquisition, making the area the old frontier. The old frontiers have several characteristics, such as the areas being considered empty land, having no rules, and being rich in natural resources. The process of frontierisation has continued in many resource-rich regions, such as Kalimantan, with massive land transformation. The current frontierization in Kalimantan has different characteristics from the old frontier, where the situation is very dynamic with many actors, making Kalimantan a so-called ‘new resource frontier’ (De Jong, Knippenberg, & Bakker, 2017). The other characteristics of the areas are lack of laws and regulations (Nasir Gintu, 2024), high mobility and migration practices, high competition that often leads to conflict and violence (Rahmadian, 2023), and to some extent leads to the presence of many actors, including the intermediary actors such as a go-between.

trees, cutting of the forest, clear land, forest, machines
Title: Aanleg van een weg naar een grote olieraffinaderij op Borneo of Sumatra-Probably between 1935 and 1941.
Source: KITLV 45072 (accessed on 3rd of September 2024)

Kalimantan’s new frontier came just after the implementation of decentralisation in 2001, which led to the distribution of power from the central government to the regional government. In Kalimantan, this shift has triggered massive land transformation into oil palm, leading to many actors joining and competing in the new spaces, such as the government, multinational companies, NGOs, migrants, academics, local people, and intermediary actors such as brokers, middlemen and intermediaries, or what I have called go-betweens. These different actors come from different backgrounds and places, not just the people who live around the plantation who are interested in these new frontiers but also people from outside the plantations. It makes the frontier areas into a new space for migration. 

forest, red land, dense forest, green, sky
Palmolieplantage West Kalimantan. Source: KITLV 160125 (accessed on 3rd of September 2024)

The presence of the plantations in Kalimantan is creating a new mechanism of life on the plantations (Li & Semedi, 2021). Driven by the demand for labour in the plantation system. It creates the imagination of better income and life while participating in the oil palm ecosystem. This has further encouraged people to move and migrate to this new oil palm frontier. Many migrants see oil palm as a place of hope and opportunity. However, the integration of migrants into this new oil palm frontier is not entirely organic. In most cases, the migration process takes place through the role of go-betweens. Intermediaries play an essential role not only in the process of mobility but also in the adaptation of migrants. Migrants who use the role of go-betweens are often the ones who successfully enter the new oil palm frontier.

Leiden as an educational frontier

river, green, trees, boats, people on small boats, red brick building, windmill
Leiden, The Netherlands. Source: Author (August, 2024)

The conditions of frontierization in the hinterland of Kalimantan can also be found in different areas, such as in Leiden, the Netherlands, where I did my secondment. I flew from Indonesia to Leiden as a guest researcher. From a migration perspective, I was considered a contemporary migrant. As Tezcan (2024) mentioned, contemporary migration patterns today are predominantly temporary instead of permanent. Recent patterns of migration flow indicate that immigrants predominantly return to their country of origin or engage in circular migration (Favell, 2008). As an ‘educational’ contemporary migrant, I considered Leiden one of education’s frontiers. The idea of frontier comes from imagining the richness of academic resources and knowledge, where many actors interact to join and compete in this educational institution. By considering that richness, I define frontier education as a place and space to produce material and immaterial educational resources to support individuals or groups of intellectuals. In this sense, Leiden is a place of education-rich resources regarding valuable archives and centres of knowledge, especially for social sciences. Besides that, Leiden also has rich natural scenery and historical places, making it one of the most beautiful cities in the Netherlands and even popular among tourists. The combination of a knowledge centre and tourist centre makes Leiden one of the frontier places for academic migrants and tourists. 

Leiden University, The Netherlands. Source: Author (August, 2024)

The process of living in frontier Leiden was challenging. As a frontier of education, Leiden has received 6,313 bachelor’s students (23% foreign nationals) and 5,915 master’s students (36% foreign nationals) who come from 120 Nationalities (www.universiteitleiden.nl). The data showed that academic migrants come from around the world to this city. The competition for students or researchers willing to study or work in Leiden started when they were in their country of origin (i.g., competing to enter Leiden University and looking for a scholarship). This academic competition has also shifted into other life challenges to become a ‘migrant’ in Leiden.

One example is finding accommodation, where the number of rented houses is limited. In this limitation of house resources, a go-between with a specific role of housing provider can be found. The go-betweens specific to housing providers appear in formal and informal forms. To deal with this limitation of housing resources,  the academic migrants need to use the roles of go-betweens to get housing. Even Leiden University’s website also posted several ways to find housing websites from the legal go-between, both from non-profit housing organisations (room.nl/DUWO) or other commercial housing agencies or search engines (such as kamersleiden.nl, hospihousing.com, studentcity-leiderdorp.nl., and so on). However, the limitation of rent housing has forced the education migrants to access through different informal go-betweens by creating new connections and networks. To have access to these informal go-betweens, the education migrants start to join a network of housing through student groups or nation groups. Many educated migrants had no room or house to rent when they arrived in the Netherlands. They were forced to pay high prices to access rented houses, choosing to stay outside Leiden or sometimes preferring to rent ‘informal’ housing where they could not register as permanent addresses. It made the educational migrant’s situation very challenging while they started to adapt to the new cultures.  

I also experienced a brief example of the frontier situation in Leiden. However, by understanding the strength of social relationships among the Indonesians living abroad, I start the room competition process by using the roles of informal go-betweens. My decision to take the risk of using the role of informal go-between is partly due to my agency, knowledge, and personal network. I connect with people who often rent their house through a friend who was taking a role as a go-between. Since my go-between and I are in the same network in Indonesia and graduated from the same university, through this dyadic relationship, I asked her for a shake to find accommodation for me in Leiden. My go-between started to collect the housing information, negotiate with the house owner, and ensure that the owner agreed to accommodate me during my stay. This process was followed by her giving me the number of the room owner, and in a week, I found a room by using my connection to my go-between.

Finding accommodation was relatively easy since I knew someone who could help me, but it was challenging for others without a good network. My networks worked well, and while I found people who could be my go-between, she started to allow me to smoothly adapt as a migrant in Leiden while finding a place for my stay. Through my go-between connection, which extended into her bubble of networks, I quickly found a place to stay, a bike to ride, and friends to connect with. However, it is very challenging for other students and researchers who have yet to learn how the Leiden frontier works. Many students and researchers need help finding housing, creating networks, and struggling with new academic atmospheres.

Meanwhile, in daily life outside of university, I used my networks to create new networks in Leiden. The process was smooth when I knew people, and using my close ties as a fictive kin to protect me in Leiden made me a ‘successful’ migrant in becoming a ‘Leiden resident’.

In the end, living in Leiden as one of the frontiers of education emphasises that not only structure and networks help people to live in this city. However, it is also necessary to show the agency and individual capabilities to create new relationships and maintain the networks. At least for my experience as a migrant, both network and agency become crucial to help me enter and become deeply involved in the migrant world in Leiden. Starting with relationships and living with others, asking and keeping curious about everything, are making me, as a migrant, gradually shift to be a Leiden resident for the past two months. In this sense, trying to become and participate in the Leiden society is also a form of connecting with the right go-betweens.

Concluding remarks Living in Leiden Frontier

Researching migration in different contexts and conditions with my places of secondment in Leiden makes me reflect that the migration process was not easy, especially for migrants who never leave their place in their entire lives. The red line between my research topic and my position as a researcher in Leiden is the migration process in the context of new frontiers. Shifting identity, adapting to culture, and connecting to people and things always puts a migrant between home and a new place. The values and norms of the migrants keep shifting between the past and present to support their translation process and shape their positionality. Within this interpretation, migration is about temporality. In the end, migration is always about becoming and living in between the place made by the ideas of hope, potential, and opportunity.

References

De Jong, E. B., Knippenberg, L., & Bakker, L. (2017). New frontiers: an enriched perspective on extraction frontiers in Indonesia. Critical Asian Studies, 49(3), 330-348.

Favell, A. (2008). The new face of East–West migration in Europe. Journal of ethnic and migration studies, 34(5), 701-716.

Li, T. M., & Semedi, P. (2021). Plantation life: corporate occupation in Indonesia’s oil palm zone. Duke University Press.

Nasir Gintu, M. (2024). National law and regional riches: Contesting natural resources in East Kalimantan, Indonesia (Doctoral dissertation, Nijmegen: Radboud University Press).

Rahmadian, G. (2023). Heart in violence: Everyday violence under the oil palm canopy of a Dayak community in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Doctoral dissertation: Radboud University.

Tezcan, T. (2024). The role of identification, intergroup contact, and group discrimination in shaping return and circular migration intentions: Recent Turkish immigrants in Germany and the Netherlands. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 0(0). https://doi-org.ezproxy.leidenuniv.nl/10.1177/13684302241253217

Acknowledgement

Before I end my post, I thank Lund University for providing me with the opportunity and funding to conduct research in Leiden within the MARS project. I am grateful to Leiden University, especially Prof. Bart Barendgert, who is willing to host me in Leiden. I am also thankful to Chekhros Kilichova (MARS project). Finally, I thank Prof. Pujo Semedi and the Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada, for their support.

October 3, 2024

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Migration from Uzbekistan to Türkiye: push and pull factors for Uzbek migrants

Ulugbek Abdurakhmanov conducted research on migration from Uzbekistan to Türkiye during his secondment at Marmara University in the frame of the MARS project. During his research stay, Ulugbek analyzed migration issues and tried to explore what drives people from Uzbekistan to emigrate to other countries, particularly Türkiye.

Uzbekistan, the most populous country in Central Asia, has experienced consistent population growth in recent years. In 2000, the population was 24,6 million, rising to 28,6 million in 2010 and 34,2 million by 2020, reaching 36,8 million in 2024. Population growth surged to 2,1% in 2020-2023, equivalent to an increase of about 700-800 thousand people annually (https://www.uzdaily.uz/ru/post/83013). 

(Photo taken from uzdaily.uz/en/post/29453) 

A significant part of the population (57%) belongs to the working age group. In 2023, out of 391,568 graduates from general education schools, 193 thousand were enrolled in universities. Every year, thousands of students continue their studies abroad. With a relatively weak economy, Uzbekistan is not able to create enough jobs for its citizens. Due to overpopulation and lack of employment opportunities, both skilled and unskilled Uzbeks move to other countries in search of jobs. The number of Uzbeks working abroad permanently exceeds 2 million people, with over 60% employed in Russia (https://upl.uz/economy/36377-news.html). Nevertheless, due to the war in Ukraine, ruble devaluation, and imposed sanctions has made Russia less attractive for Uzbek labor migrants, leading to a decrease in remittances from Russia in 2023 from 87% to 78%. These geopolitical shifts have intensified the diversification of labor migration from Uzbekistan to other countries. Other major destinations for migrants from Uzbekistan include Kazakhstan, Türkiye, the Gulf countries, South Korea, USA, and European countries.

Only in January-March of 2023, the number of compatriots who went abroad for work amounted to 486,1 thousand people, the geography of departure of migrants is mainly concentrated in such countries as Russia (70,2%), Kazakhstan (13,4%), Kyrgyzstan (8,7%), Türkiye (3.8%), Afghanistan (1,1%), Korea (0,6%), UAE (0,4%), etc. (https://strategy.uz/index.php?news=1813&lang=ru)

In 2018, Uzbekistan and Turkey signed an agreement “On Protection of the Rights of Migrant Workers and Members of Their Families”.

This document regulates issues related to the protection of the rights of migrants from Uzbekistan, as well as members of their families in Turkey and vice versa Turkish migrants with families in Uzbekistan.

Within the framework of the agreement, migrants can carry out labour activities in the territory of the host state on the basis of contracts concluded with employers in accordance with the legislation. The parties also agreed that they will contribute in every possible way to the regulation of migration flows in their countries and cooperate in the suppression of irregular labour activities (https://uz.sputniknews.ru/20180502/turcia-uzbekistan-migranty-8097698.html).

As of October 2023, more than 52,8 thousand citizens of Uzbekistan received residence permits in Türkiye, the Main Department of the Migration Service reported. According to this indicator, Uzbekistan is in 7th place.

Uzbekistan also entered the top 5 countries, whose citizens received a short-term residence permit in Türkiye (more than 32,7 thousand). According to this indicator, the Republic of Uzbekistan was behind Iran (51,9 thousand), Syria (64,5 thousand), Turkmenistan (73,3 thousand), and Iraq (84,5 thousand). 10,9 thousand citizens of Uzbekistan received family residence permits (https://uz.kursiv.media/2023-10-17/skolko-uzbekistanczev-poluchili-vid-na-zhitelstvo-v-turczii/).

Analysis of the current situation in Uzbekistan indicates the existence of a number of significant problems, which, in our opinion, are the reasons for migration from Uzbekistan to other countries. One of the main problems is corruption, which in turn generates other related problems such as lack of quality education, equal opportunities, unemployment, environmental problems, discrimination, etc. Take the Agency for External Labor Migration, which is supposed to ensure the rights of all citizens going abroad to work. Over the past six years, there have been several examples of corruption scandals involving high-ranking officials. It should be noted that the majority of labour migrants do not use the services of this Agency, because according to the procedure of departure, it is required to have a certificate of compulsory professional training of persons going abroad for labour migration, in this regard, most citizens prefer, risking their safety independently to go to other countries. This circumstance largely contributes to their use of the services of dubious intermediaries or so-called “human traffickers”. In other words, due to corruption, Uzbek migrants try to find work abroad, putting their lives at risk.

So, what are the main push and pull factors for migration to Türkiye? In my opinion, there are several factors and I will try to list some of them: First, lack of quality education and desire to get better education abroad; Second, lack of work and intention to find a well-paid job in the destination country; Third, persecution for various reasons; Fourth, political regime and corruption; Fifth, environmental problems; Sixth, influence of well-developed Uzbek diaspora in the destination country; and the Seventh is to start a family after a failed marriage in Uzbekistan.

During my secondment, I tried to interview as many migrants from Uzbekistan as possible to learn more about migration from a personal perspective. One of my interviewees, whose name is “N”, aged 33, left for Turkey four years ago. In Tashkent, she worked as a teacher at a secondary school. After her divorce, left without a home with a child, she realized that she would not be able to raise her son on a schoolteacher’s salary.

“At first I tried to tutor, but then, I realized that I needed to radically change my life. A friend who married a Turkish citizen suggested that I try to start a new life in Istanbul. And I must say that I am very grateful to her. In Istanbul I realized that life can be brighter and more interesting. And although the work I do in Türkiye is not exactly what I dreamed of, I feel happy. Perhaps because there is a hope to buy a long-awaited house,” “N” said.

She has been taking care of an elderly woman in Türkiye for four years, whose sons pay her $500 a month. She does not pay for housing and food because she is on her employers’ welfare. She also noted that many people think that if you go to a foreign country, you will immediately find a job in your profession. Unfortunately, this is not the case. The first thing she encountered was not knowing the language. Although many Istanbul residents understand Russian and Uzbek, it is quite difficult to get a job in a profession. She has learned Turkish for 4 years. Today, she is collecting documents for a residence permit and dreams of buying a small apartment where she can live with her child.

My secondment helped me better understand why Uzbek people decide to emigrate, why they choose Türkiye, and how they adapt to their new lives. 

May 15, 2024

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